When I [damage] my clothes in some way, I tend to panic about it a little bit… This, my friends, is a side effect of living with style scarcity. Because I really don’t have any reason to believe I’d find something like the dress [that is torn] ever again. Now, no longer being in possession of a particular dress is not exactly a hardship; certainly not on the level of not having a place to live or enough to eat. But the panic bubbles up anyway, because I can’t just run to Anthropologie or H&M or where-ever the ladies several sizes down from me do their shopping and pick up another. Fat style is a scarce resource. (Lesley Kinzel, Two Whole Cakes, January 21, 2009)Consumer researchers have previously noted that even when they believe their marketplace choices are unduly restricted, consumers often fail to take action. So in our study we ask: When will marginalized consumers mobilize to seek greater satisfaction in mainstream markets? And how will they do so once they become mobilized? We develop answers to these questions studying Fatshionista bloggers and their followers who desire a greater range of fashionable plus-sized clothing choices. We find that mobilization is triggered by three factors:
• The first is the emergence of a collective consumer identity among members of a market segment; we observe plus-sized consumer embracing and identifying with the Fatshionista identity. • The second is the identification by that collective of “institutional entrepreneurs” (people who appear to be able to change the system) from whom they draw inspiration; in our context, the singer Beth Ditto who is both plus-sized and a fashion icon is one such inspiring institutional entrepreneur. • The third is the appropriation by consumers’ of logics from other fields that legitimate their desire for greater market inclusion, such as the logic of human rights, which Fatshionistas borrow from the Fat Acceptance Movement.We also identify three strategies that consumers may employ to attempt to gain greater inclusion in a market, and more offerings from mainstream marketers:
• One is appealing to institutional logics within the market; Fatshionistas invoke the logics of art and of commerce that prevail in the fashion when trying to persuade established actors to serve them better. • A second is publicizing desirable institutional innovations and persistent institutional impediments; Fatshionistas help publicize the offerings of marketers who do try and meet their needs, and they call out marketers who make feeble attempts to offer plus size clothing and retreat without giving their experiments time to succeed. • A third strategy is allying with more powerful institutional actors; Fatshionistas take every opportunity to interact with influential designers and retailers in order to persuade them to do more to serve their needs.Our theoretical contributions include a framework that can help us better understand how consumer (il)legitimacy affects market dynamics. When we consider how consumers are perceived in, and what consumers want from, the mainstream market in conjunction, we can anticipate four different kinds of dynamics.
There are considerably fewer bloggers discussing plus-size fashion in South America, but consumers are not less dissatisfied here with the available offers in mainstream fashion markets than in North America and the UK. Poderosas Gordinhas (Powerful Fatties) and Grandes Mulheres (Big/Great Women)are two examples of blogs discussing the lack of options in plus-size clothing in Brazil, while La Pesada de la Moda (Fashion Heavy) is a hub for Spanish-speaker Fatshionistas. In Argentina, laws have been approved to apply heavy fines on local clothing manufacturers and stored that do not expand the numbers and sizes available to meet standards defined by legislation, which includes sizes from 36-50. However, media reports have pointed that business still provide skewed measures to avoid fines, and consumers who need larger sizes are still unable to find ready-to-wear clothes on the market.